西北民族研究
西北民族研究
서북민족연구
North West Minorities Research
2012年
1期
115~124
,共null页
范彼德(Peter van der Veer) 郁丹(Dan Smyer Yu)(译) 梁艳(译)
範彼德(Peter van der Veer) 鬱丹(Dan Smyer Yu)(譯) 樑豔(譯)
범피덕(Peter van der Veer) 욱단(Dan Smyer Yu)(역) 량염(역)
现代社会 灵性 中国 印度
現代社會 靈性 中國 印度
현대사회 령성 중국 인도
modern society; spirituality; China; India
灵性(the spiritual)与世俗(the secular)在欧美现代性中同时被构建成为与制度性宗教(institutionalized religion)相关联的两个替代物。灵性的概念存在着矛盾,即:它既被视为具有普遍性的概念,又与民族认同相关联。再者,灵性的概念在全球传播的同时,被植入不同的历史进程中,它的发展轨迹在各个地方是不同的。本文认为:印度和中国的现代性是两国与[西方]帝国现代性互动后的产物。灵性在印度的相对成功与其在中国的相对失败不能简单地归结为中国共产主义的兴起。从更深层次上讲,有一个普遍观点,即中国的传统必须被西方的科学所取代,这在建国前早已被描绘成中国现代性的特征。而在印度,各类传统被当作反抗帝国主义斗争的资源,其所反抗的是从文化和政治上使印度从属于西方强权的物质现代化。
靈性(the spiritual)與世俗(the secular)在歐美現代性中同時被構建成為與製度性宗教(institutionalized religion)相關聯的兩箇替代物。靈性的概唸存在著矛盾,即:它既被視為具有普遍性的概唸,又與民族認同相關聯。再者,靈性的概唸在全毬傳播的同時,被植入不同的歷史進程中,它的髮展軌跡在各箇地方是不同的。本文認為:印度和中國的現代性是兩國與[西方]帝國現代性互動後的產物。靈性在印度的相對成功與其在中國的相對失敗不能簡單地歸結為中國共產主義的興起。從更深層次上講,有一箇普遍觀點,即中國的傳統必鬚被西方的科學所取代,這在建國前早已被描繪成中國現代性的特徵。而在印度,各類傳統被噹作反抗帝國主義鬥爭的資源,其所反抗的是從文化和政治上使印度從屬于西方彊權的物質現代化。
령성(the spiritual)여세속(the secular)재구미현대성중동시피구건성위여제도성종교(institutionalized religion)상관련적량개체대물。령성적개념존재착모순,즉:타기피시위구유보편성적개념,우여민족인동상관련。재자,령성적개념재전구전파적동시,피식입불동적역사진정중,타적발전궤적재각개지방시불동적。본문인위:인도화중국적현대성시량국여[서방]제국현대성호동후적산물。령성재인도적상대성공여기재중국적상대실패불능간단지귀결위중국공산주의적흥기。종경심층차상강,유일개보편관점,즉중국적전통필수피서방적과학소취대,저재건국전조이피묘회성중국현대성적특정。이재인도,각류전통피당작반항제국주의두쟁적자원,기소반항적시종문화화정치상사인도종속우서방강권적물질현대화。
The argument of this paper is that the spiritual and the secular are produced simultaneously as two connected alternatives to institutionalized religion in Euro-American modernity. The paper also argues that a central contradiction in the concept of spirituality is that it is at the same time seen as universal and as tied to conceptions of national identity. Moreover, while the concept travels globally, its trajectory differs from place to place as it is inserted in different historical developments. The focus of the paper is on India and China in recognition of the fact that Indian and Chinese modernities are a product of interactions with imperial modernity. The relative success of "spirituality" in India and its relative failure in China cannot merely be explained by the rise of communism in China. More deeply it is the conviction that Chinese traditions had to be replaced by Western science that has characterized Chinese modernity long before the Communist take-over, while in India traditions were made into resources in the anti-imperialist struggle against a material modernization that culturally and politically subjected India to Western power.