当代韩国
噹代韓國
당대한국
Contemporary Korea
2014年
3期
29~37
,共null页
美韩同盟 中韩关系 集体安全机制
美韓同盟 中韓關繫 集體安全機製
미한동맹 중한관계 집체안전궤제
the U. S. -ROK Alliance, Sino-ROK Relations, Collective Security Regime
随着中韩关系特别是政治安全关系的发展，中韩关系与关韩同盟之间的矛盾可能更加突出。美国一直对中韩关系的发展保持警惕，而韩国则坚持以美韩同盟为其外交安保政策的基石，这些都是提升中韩关系的深层次挑战。中韩关系要摆脱美国因素是不可能的，未来中韩关系的战略框架也必须与中美韩多边关系框架，甚至是整个半岛的地缘政治框架结合在一起考虑。而且，为了在中美韩博弈中占得先机，中国必须对这种未来战略框架进行前瞻性的规划和设计。本文认为，出于中国及地区整体利益的考虑，半岛的未来既要摆脱基于冷战经验的对抗式两极格局，也不能寄希望于那种多极均势下的脆弱和平。从长远来看，只有包括所有各方在内的地区集体安全机制才是稳定与和平的长久保障。关韩同盟可以成为这一机制的起点但又必须被超越，这就需要相关各方就此达成战略妥协，就地区未来做出彼此可以接受的决定。考虑到中关问的深层次不信任，韩国应该在中关间发挥沟通者而不是均衡者也不是中立者的作用，未来中韩关系应该在这种新背景下予以重新设计和发展。
隨著中韓關繫特彆是政治安全關繫的髮展，中韓關繫與關韓同盟之間的矛盾可能更加突齣。美國一直對中韓關繫的髮展保持警惕，而韓國則堅持以美韓同盟為其外交安保政策的基石，這些都是提升中韓關繫的深層次挑戰。中韓關繫要襬脫美國因素是不可能的，未來中韓關繫的戰略框架也必鬚與中美韓多邊關繫框架，甚至是整箇半島的地緣政治框架結閤在一起攷慮。而且，為瞭在中美韓博弈中佔得先機，中國必鬚對這種未來戰略框架進行前瞻性的規劃和設計。本文認為，齣于中國及地區整體利益的攷慮，半島的未來既要襬脫基于冷戰經驗的對抗式兩極格跼，也不能寄希望于那種多極均勢下的脆弱和平。從長遠來看，隻有包括所有各方在內的地區集體安全機製纔是穩定與和平的長久保障。關韓同盟可以成為這一機製的起點但又必鬚被超越，這就需要相關各方就此達成戰略妥協，就地區未來做齣彼此可以接受的決定。攷慮到中關問的深層次不信任，韓國應該在中關間髮揮溝通者而不是均衡者也不是中立者的作用，未來中韓關繫應該在這種新揹景下予以重新設計和髮展。
수착중한관계특별시정치안전관계적발전，중한관계여관한동맹지간적모순가능경가돌출。미국일직대중한관계적발전보지경척，이한국칙견지이미한동맹위기외교안보정책적기석，저사도시제승중한관계적심층차도전。중한관계요파탈미국인소시불가능적，미래중한관계적전략광가야필수여중미한다변관계광가，심지시정개반도적지연정치광가결합재일기고필。이차，위료재중미한박혁중점득선궤，중국필수대저충미래전략광가진행전첨성적규화화설계。본문인위，출우중국급지구정체이익적고필，반도적미래기요파탈기우랭전경험적대항식량겁격국，야불능기희망우나충다겁균세하적취약화평。종장원래간，지유포괄소유각방재내적지구집체안전궤제재시은정여화평적장구보장。관한동맹가이성위저일궤제적기점단우필수피초월，저취수요상관각방취차체성전략타협，취지구미래주출피차가이접수적결정。고필도중관문적심층차불신임，한국응해재중관간발휘구통자이불시균형자야불시중립자적작용，미래중한관계응해재저충신배경하여이중신설계화발전。
Mong with the development of the Sino-ROK relations especially in its political and security sectors, there would be more and more contradictions between the Sino-ROK relations and U. S. -ROK alliance. To deepen the Sino-ROK relations, the challenges as follow must be dealt with： the alert of U. S. on the development of Sino-ROK relations and theinsistence of RO K on its alliance with the U. S. It is impossible to get rid of the U. S. factor from the Sino-ROK relations, and the future strategic framework of Sino-ROK relations will have to be connected with the trilateral relations among China, ROK and the U. S. even the geopolitical arrangement of the whole Korean Peninsula. To win this geopolitical game, China should have its own plan and road map about this strategic framework. The author suggests that out of the interests of China and the region, the future of the peninsula couldn＇t be designed into the bipolar structure according to the experience of Cold War or the multi-polar balance of power with a fragile peace. In a long run, only the regional collective security regime including all concerned parties is a guarantee of long stability and peace. The U. S. -ROK alliance would be a starting point of this process of regime development but must be replaced in the end by this regime, if all concerned parties make a compromise. Given the deep mutual mistrust between China and the U.S., ROK should play a role of bridge rather than a balancer or neutral. Accordingly, the Sino-ROK relations should be redesigned and developed in this new background.
