山西高等学校社会科学学报
山西高等學校社會科學學報
산서고등학교사회과학학보
Social Sciences Journal of Colleges of Shanxi
2015年
2期
57~61
,共null页
英国宪法 成文宪法 宪法改革 人权法案 欧盟法
英國憲法 成文憲法 憲法改革 人權法案 歐盟法
영국헌법 성문헌법 헌법개혁 인권법안 구맹법
the British Constitution; a written constitution ; constitutional reform ; Human Rights Act; law of the European Union
自1998年《人权法案》实施以来,英国宪法面临着来自国内和欧盟的双重挑战。在国内,法院获得了对议会主立法作"不一致宣告"的权力,由于议会尊重法院的宣告,往往对不符合欧盟法的主立法进行修改,司法权因此而发展,甚至已经形成了挑战议会主权的态势。这引发了废止《人权法案》与限缩法官权力的改革呼声。另一方面,议员任期、下议院对战争的表决权、上议院终身制改革等议题也成为宪法改革的助推力。欧盟方面,欧盟法常常与英国议会立法不一致,欧盟法院的判决在英国国内的效力也总引起争议。鉴于此,有学者提出了制定成文宪法的改革方案。该文对此进行了反思,认为制定成文宪法将零散的改革事项捆绑在一起,很难证成其合理性;同时,某些宪法惯例无法成文法化,即便写入宪法也很难实施,而不能实施的宪法不具有可适用性。而不成文宪法具有模糊性优点,可以调整王室和首相、首相与阁员间的关系,搁置欧洲议会和英国议会间的效力高低之争,使任何一方都能在现行宪制框架下和平共存,这无疑是一种成功的宪制安排。当下的英国,旧的宪政秩序正逐步瓦解,新的宪政秩序尚未建立,制定成文宪法风险极大,其必性也存在疑问。故反对制定一部成文宪法。
自1998年《人權法案》實施以來,英國憲法麵臨著來自國內和歐盟的雙重挑戰。在國內,法院穫得瞭對議會主立法作"不一緻宣告"的權力,由于議會尊重法院的宣告,往往對不符閤歐盟法的主立法進行脩改,司法權因此而髮展,甚至已經形成瞭挑戰議會主權的態勢。這引髮瞭廢止《人權法案》與限縮法官權力的改革呼聲。另一方麵,議員任期、下議院對戰爭的錶決權、上議院終身製改革等議題也成為憲法改革的助推力。歐盟方麵,歐盟法常常與英國議會立法不一緻,歐盟法院的判決在英國國內的效力也總引起爭議。鑒于此,有學者提齣瞭製定成文憲法的改革方案。該文對此進行瞭反思,認為製定成文憲法將零散的改革事項捆綁在一起,很難證成其閤理性;同時,某些憲法慣例無法成文法化,即便寫入憲法也很難實施,而不能實施的憲法不具有可適用性。而不成文憲法具有模糊性優點,可以調整王室和首相、首相與閣員間的關繫,擱置歐洲議會和英國議會間的效力高低之爭,使任何一方都能在現行憲製框架下和平共存,這無疑是一種成功的憲製安排。噹下的英國,舊的憲政秩序正逐步瓦解,新的憲政秩序尚未建立,製定成文憲法風險極大,其必性也存在疑問。故反對製定一部成文憲法。
자1998년《인권법안》실시이래,영국헌법면림착래자국내화구맹적쌍중도전。재국내,법원획득료대의회주입법작"불일치선고"적권력,유우의회존중법원적선고,왕왕대불부합구맹법적주입법진행수개,사법권인차이발전,심지이경형성료도전의회주권적태세。저인발료폐지《인권법안》여한축법관권력적개혁호성。령일방면,의원임기、하의원대전쟁적표결권、상의원종신제개혁등의제야성위헌법개혁적조추력。구맹방면,구맹법상상여영국의회입법불일치,구맹법원적판결재영국국내적효력야총인기쟁의。감우차,유학자제출료제정성문헌법적개혁방안。해문대차진행료반사,인위제정성문헌법장령산적개혁사항곤방재일기,흔난증성기합이성;동시,모사헌법관례무법성문법화,즉편사입헌법야흔난실시,이불능실시적헌법불구유가괄용성。이불성문헌법구유모호성우점,가이조정왕실화수상、수상여각원간적관계,각치구주의회화영국의회간적효력고저지쟁,사임하일방도능재현행헌제광가하화평공존,저무의시일충성공적헌제안배。당하적영국,구적헌정질서정축보와해,신적헌정질서상미건립,제정성문헌법풍험겁대,기필성야존재의문。고반대제정일부성문헌법。
Since the implementation of the Human Rights Act 1998, the British Constitution has been confronting with challenges both at home and abroad. At home, the judiciary was allowed to make a "declaration of incompatibility", which makes the Parliament to follow and change incompatible primary legislation. In so doing, the judicial power has been enlarged and has evolved to threaten the Parliamentary Sovereignty principle. Thus, there have been voices appealing to re- peal the Human Rights Act 1998 and curtail the judicial power. Besides, fixed-term Parliaments, the House of Commons' right to decide on military action, and an elected House of Lords are all high-profile issues taken as impetuses for further constitutional reform. In the realm of the European Union, more often than not, its inconsistent legislation as that of the UK's, along with the European Courts' controversial judgments, has aroused big controversies and made some scholars to come up with a proposal to enact a written constitution for the UK. After reflecting on these issues, Nick Barber argues that it runs the risk to tie unconnected changes together, for the unpopular reforms may not have passed, had each separate ele- ment been separately debated. In addition, certain conventions can hardly be set out in a written constitution, and it is even harder for them to be turned into a court-enforced law. Perversely, a written constitution with the provisions legally unen- forceable is of little utility. Furthermore, Barber concludes that the 'ambiguity' feature of the British constitution allows to smooth the relationship among the royals and the Prime Minister, as well as the Prime Minister and the Ministers. It also sets aside the quarrels in respect of the European Parliament's sovereignty effect in the UK, thereby making the different voices heard within the current constitution. On the whole, Barber asserts, Britain's constitution has been a success, espe- cially at the moment when the old constitution has lost its guiding spirit whereas the new order is yet to born. Therefore, it is risky and unnecessary to enact a written constitution.