政法论坛：中国政法大学学报
政法論罈：中國政法大學學報
정법론단：중국정법대학학보
Tribune of Political Science and Law(Journal of China University of Political Science and Law)
2015年
3期
52~63
,共null页
“五四宪法” 国家主席 制宪权 毛泽东 “过渡时期”
“五四憲法” 國傢主席 製憲權 毛澤東 “過渡時期”
“오사헌법” 국가주석 제헌권 모택동 “과도시기”
＂1954 Constitution＂ ; the State Chairman （ Zhu Xi） ; Constituent Power; Mao Zedong; Transition Period
法国大革命之后,如何在新宪制中安置一个拥有显赫声望的建国之父,从来都是民主国家的难题。我国的1954年宪法在制订时也同样面临着这一困境：一派观点认为,＂建国＂只是完成共产革命的一个中间环节,那么革命领袖便应自然地转化为国家元首。另一派观点则认为,在人民主权作为一项宪法原则已被确立的前提下,将单个个体提高到最高权力的中枢就必定构成了对宪法精神的伤害,因此它必须从宪法中移除或彻底形式化。而在作为制宪者的毛泽东看来,国家主席未必是一个实质的职位,却必须拥有实质的职权;它的存在并不是为了担当政治上的＂国家元首＂,而是在＂继续革命＂的意义上成为社会主义国家在＂过渡时期＂不偏离其路线的制度保障。在最终的宪制安排和日后的宪政实践中,拥有全国武装力量统率权和最高国务会议召集权的国家主席的确有效地实现了上述创制动机。但革命政治的延续性与日常政治的周期性之间的不匹配,最终导致了这一制度的瓦解。
法國大革命之後,如何在新憲製中安置一箇擁有顯赫聲望的建國之父,從來都是民主國傢的難題。我國的1954年憲法在製訂時也同樣麵臨著這一睏境：一派觀點認為,＂建國＂隻是完成共產革命的一箇中間環節,那麽革命領袖便應自然地轉化為國傢元首。另一派觀點則認為,在人民主權作為一項憲法原則已被確立的前提下,將單箇箇體提高到最高權力的中樞就必定構成瞭對憲法精神的傷害,因此它必鬚從憲法中移除或徹底形式化。而在作為製憲者的毛澤東看來,國傢主席未必是一箇實質的職位,卻必鬚擁有實質的職權;它的存在併不是為瞭擔噹政治上的＂國傢元首＂,而是在＂繼續革命＂的意義上成為社會主義國傢在＂過渡時期＂不偏離其路線的製度保障。在最終的憲製安排和日後的憲政實踐中,擁有全國武裝力量統率權和最高國務會議召集權的國傢主席的確有效地實現瞭上述創製動機。但革命政治的延續性與日常政治的週期性之間的不匹配,最終導緻瞭這一製度的瓦解。
법국대혁명지후,여하재신헌제중안치일개옹유현혁성망적건국지부,종래도시민주국가적난제。아국적1954년헌법재제정시야동양면림착저일곤경：일파관점인위,＂건국＂지시완성공산혁명적일개중간배절,나요혁명령수편응자연지전화위국가원수。령일파관점칙인위,재인민주권작위일항헌법원칙이피학립적전제하,장단개개체제고도최고권력적중추취필정구성료대헌법정신적상해,인차타필수종헌법중이제혹철저형식화。이재작위제헌자적모택동간래,국가주석미필시일개실질적직위,각필수옹유실질적직권;타적존재병불시위료담당정치상적＂국가원수＂,이시재＂계속혁명＂적의의상성위사회주의국가재＂과도시기＂불편리기로선적제도보장。재최종적헌제안배화일후적헌정실천중,옹유전국무장역량통솔권화최고국무회의소집권적국가주석적학유효지실현료상술창제동궤。단혁명정치적연속성여일상정치적주기성지간적불필배,최종도치료저일제도적와해。
A problem is generated that how to institutionalize the Founding Father with constitutional norms in a democratic regime after the French Revolution ,which triggers a fierce debate over the 1954 Consti- tution of PRC. One school of thought holds that a revolutionary leader is a state president in its essence, for that founding a state is only an intermediate tache of the communist revolution. Reversely, the other argues that the State Chairman has no place in the constitution, or must be de - substantialized, because it is harmful for con- stitutional spirit with taking one individual person as the political power center under the premise of the popular sovereignty as a constitutional principle. Yet, in the sight of Mao, the State Chairman has no need for a substan- tive position, but an authoritative power, which could be an institutional guarantee the principate, but for the fight direction of socialist state along with ＂the continuing revolution＂ in the course of Transition Period. In the final arrangement and subsequent practicing of the 1954 Constitution of PRC ,the State Chairman wins the pow- er to command the nation＇ s armed forces and call The Supreme State Conference, and achieves the purpose effectively. But the institution collapses ultimately for the mismatch between the continuity of revolutionary politics and the cyclicity of routine politics.
